President William Ruto of Kenya delivered an urgent appeal to African leaders on Saturday, calling for sweeping reforms to the African Union’s capacity to prevent and respond to military coups that have destabilised governments across the continent in recent years.
Speaking at the 39th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in the Ethiopian capital, Ruto presented a comprehensive reform blueprint aimed at transforming the continental body from a reactive observer into a proactive guardian of democratic governance. His proposals come as Africa grapples with an alarming resurgence of unconstitutional power grabs that have undermined decades of progress toward stable civilian rule.
“The African Union must intensify its response to military takeovers and unconstitutional regime changes by investing more in preventive democracy and reinforcing its norms against unlawful power grabs to safeguard lasting peace, regional stability, and good governance in Africa,” Ruto told the assembled leaders.
The Kenyan president, who serves as the AU Champion on Institutional Reform since taking over the role from Rwanda Paul Kagame in February 2024, outlined measures designed to close critical gaps in the union early warning systems, strengthen enforcement mechanisms against coups, and enhance mediation capacity. His report represents the culmination of extensive consultations with the Ad Hoc Oversight Committee of Heads of State and Government, the African Union Commission, and high-level expert panels on peace and security.
A continental crisis demanding continental solutions
The context for Ruto proposals could hardly be more pressing. Since 2020, the continent has witnessed at least 11 successful coups across nine African states, with military forces seizing power in Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Chad, Sudan, Niger, Gabon, Madagascar, Guinea-Bissau, and most recently, attempted coups in Benin. Seven countries currently remain suspended from the AU for unconstitutional changes of government, exposing the limitations of existing sanctions frameworks.
The wave of military interventions has tested the AU zero-tolerance policy on unlawful transitions, revealing structural weaknesses in the continental body ability to enforce its own principles. Recent coups in Guinea-Bissau in November 2025 and the attempted military takeover in Benin in December have underscored how rapidly the security situation continues to deteriorate, even as AU leaders gather to discuss solutions.
Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, chairperson of the African Union Commission who assumed office in March 2025, has repeatedly condemned what he describes as “the troubling proliferation of military coups and coup attempts across parts of the region.” In statements following recent coup attempts, Youssouf warned that such actions “undermine continental stability, threaten democratic gains, and embolden military actors to act outside constitutional mandates.”
Analysts suggest the AU response framework has inadvertently lowered the costs of staging coups. By permitting coup leaders who quickly organise elections to remain in power, the union has created what experts call a “classic moral hazard,” where military actors calculate they can seize control and legitimise their rule through managed electoral processes. The case of Gabon, where coup leader Brice Oligui Nguema won presidential elections in April 2025 with approximately 90% of the vote while still serving as transitional head of state, exemplifies this troubling pattern.
Financial muscle and preventive diplomacy
At the heart of Ruto reform package lies a bold financial proposal: tripling the African Union Peace Fund from its current $400 million to $1 billion. The increase would provide the continental body with resources necessary for rapid deployment of peace support operations, sustained preventive diplomacy initiatives, and comprehensive mediation efforts in countries showing signs of political instability.
“We propose scaling up the Peace Fund from $400 million to $1 billion, strengthening preventive diplomacy and mediation, closing the early warning and response gaps, reinforcing norms against unconstitutional changes of government, and revitalising Pan-African solidarity,” Ruto explained in his presentation.
The proposed expansion would mark a significant commitment to peace infrastructure, transforming the fund into a genuine rapid-response mechanism rather than a symbolic gesture. Ruto emphasised that adequate financing remains fundamental to the AU capacity to act decisively when political crises emerge, rather than waiting until military forces have already seized presidential palaces.
Beyond financial resources, the reform report calls for enhanced institutional coordination. Ruto proposed a harmonised implementation plan that would eliminate organisational silos between the African Governance Architecture and the African Peace and Security Architecture. This integration aims to ensure that governance monitoring, early warning signals, and security responses function as a cohesive system rather than disconnected bureaucratic entities.
The report also recommends establishing a dedicated support structure within the African Union Commission to sustain the work of the Panel of the Wise, the AU mediation body composed of respected elder statesmen. This infrastructure would enable continuous political dialogue and provide expert crisis intervention capacity, allowing the panel to engage proactively in countries experiencing political tensions before those tensions escalate into military action.
Institutional reforms and accountability mechanisms
Ruto vision extends beyond crisis response to fundamental institutional strengthening. He urged member states to accelerate the operationalisation of the African Court of Justice, which has languished in bureaucratic limbo despite repeated commitments from continental leaders. The court establishment would provide a continental legal mechanism for addressing unconstitutional changes of government and holding perpetrators accountable under African law.
Decision 920 of the African Union Assembly directed that an assessment of the legal, structural, and financial implications of the court be completed. Ruto proposed that the AU Commission facilitate urgent implementation of this mandate and submit the required report to the Executive Council by July 2026, putting the issue on a definitive timeline rather than allowing it to drift indefinitely.
The Kenyan president also addressed the stalled revitalisation of the Pan-African Parliament, calling for intensified outreach to encourage member state ratification of the 2014 Malabo Protocol. The protocol would grant the continental legislative body limited lawmaking powers through model laws developed at the invitation of the Assembly, transforming it from a purely consultative forum into an institution with genuine legislative capacity.
“I propose intensified sensitisation and outreach by the Parliament Bureau, Members of Parliament, and the Commission to encourage member state ratification,” Ruto said, acknowledging that political will remains the critical obstacle to parliamentary empowerment.
On financing mechanisms, Ruto advocated for leveraging internal resources and African financial institutions, including inviting chief executives of continental development banks to present funding options that complement member state contributions toward Agenda 2063 priorities. This approach reflects growing continental awareness that reduced dependence on external donors strengthens the AU capacity to pursue politically sensitive interventions that Western partners might oppose.
The report further proposed that the February 2027 Assembly consider the financial implications arising from restructuring AU organs, agencies, and offices, signalling that institutional reform will require budgetary commitments that match the rhetorical emphasis on enhanced effectiveness.
Reception and regional context
Member states attending the Addis Ababa summit expressed support for Ruto document, commending his leadership in assembling an incisive report and consulting relevant stakeholders throughout the drafting process. The positive reception, however, masks deeper questions about whether African governments will follow through with the political and financial commitments necessary to implement these ambitious reforms.
Angola President João Manuel Lourenço, who chaired the AU during the past year, received praise from Ruto for his leadership, while Burundi President Évariste Ndayishimiye was congratulated on assuming the AU chairmanship. These ceremonial exchanges reflected the diplomatic protocols that govern continental gatherings, even as the substance of Ruto proposals challenged member states to move beyond symbolic gestures.
The report emphasis on unconstitutional changes of government takes on particular significance given Kenya own recent political turbulence. In June 2025, youth-led protests against proposed tax increases breached Parliament, prompting Ruto to deploy military forces to reinforce overwhelmed police units. Opposition leader Raila Odinga later claimed he intervened to prevent what he characterised as a potential military takeover, though the government disputed this characterisation.
Kenya regional diplomacy has also faced scrutiny. Ruto willingness to host political agreements involving armed groups in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo has drawn accusations from Khartoum and Kinshasa that Nairobi enables rebel activity. These tensions have complicated Kenya efforts to position itself as a neutral mediator and raised questions about the consistency between Ruto AU reform advocacy and his government bilateral relationships.
The broader continental landscape reveals why Ruto proposals matter. West Africa, once considered a relative success story for democratic consolidation, has experienced a dramatic reversal. The Economic Community of West African States has struggled to enforce consequences against coup perpetrators, particularly in cases where military juntas enjoy popular support or align with regional powers that shield them from sanctions.
Central Africa presents equally troubling dynamics, with Chad establishing a precedent for military transitions that received AU acquiescence due to counter-terrorism considerations. When Idriss Déby died in April 2021 and a Transitional Military Council installed his son Mahamat Idriss Déby, the AU Peace and Security Council granted “exceptional treatment” rather than designating it an unconstitutional change of government, creating a template that subsequent coup leaders have invoked.
East Africa, while experiencing fewer outright coups, faces its own governance challenges. South Sudan prolonged transition and Somalia fragile federal system illustrate how state weakness creates conditions where military force competes with civilian authority. Ruto emphasis on preventive diplomacy reflects awareness that early intervention in deteriorating governance situations offers better prospects than post-coup damage control.
Implementation challenges and prospects
Converting Ruto blueprint into operational reality will require overcoming formidable obstacles. The proposed tripling of the Peace Fund depends on member states honouring financial commitments at a time when many African governments face severe fiscal constraints. Previous AU initiatives have foundered when ambitious plans encountered the reality of limited resources and competing domestic priorities.
Strengthening norms against unconstitutional changes requires that the AU consistently apply its principles, even when doing so creates diplomatic complications with strategically important countries or popular military regimes. The organisation track record suggests that geopolitical calculations often override governance principles, as evidenced by the divergent treatment of different coups based on the regional importance of the countries involved.
Enhanced early warning mechanisms must overcome the challenge of translating information into action. The AU already possesses sophisticated systems for monitoring political tensions, but these warnings often fail to trigger preventive interventions because member states resist what they perceive as external interference in domestic affairs. Building consensus for proactive engagement requires diplomatic skill and political courage that have frequently proven elusive.
The institutional reforms Ruto proposes, from operationalising the African Court of Justice to empowering the Pan-African Parliament, depend on member states ceding elements of sovereignty to continental institutions. Nationalist sentiments and concerns about surrendering control to bureaucrats in Addis Ababa create resistance that has stalled previous integration initiatives. Overcoming this resistance requires demonstrating that stronger continental institutions serve national interests by providing collective security and economic benefits.
Nevertheless, the urgency of the current situation may create political space for meaningful reform. The accumulation of coups and the visible failure of existing response mechanisms have generated recognition across the continent that the status quo has become unsustainable. Political leaders increasingly understand that instability anywhere in Africa damages the continent economic prospects and international standing everywhere.
Ruto report benefits from his status as a peer rather than a bureaucrat, lending political weight to proposals that might otherwise be dismissed as institutional empire-building by AU Commission staff. His consultative approach, engaging the Ad Hoc Oversight Committee and expert panels, has built broader ownership of the recommendations rather than presenting them as a Kenyan initiative.
Looking forward
As the 39th AU Summit concluded, delegates departed Addis Ababa with Ruto reform document in hand and the challenge of implementation ahead. The February 2027 timeline for decisions on restructuring AU organs provides a concrete milestone, while the July 2026 deadline for the African Court of Justice assessment creates intermediate accountability.
The success of these reforms will ultimately depend on whether African leaders prioritise collective security over narrow national interests, whether they honour financial commitments over rhetorical promises, and whether they demonstrate the political courage to confront unconstitutional power seizures even when doing so proves diplomatically inconvenient.
The stakes extend beyond institutional architecture. Each military coup undermines public trust in democratic processes, disrupts economic development, and creates humanitarian consequences for millions of citizens caught in political upheaval. The proliferation of unconstitutional changes of government threatens to reverse decades of progress toward more accountable and representative governance across the continent.
For Kenya president, the AU reform mandate represents both opportunity and risk. Success would cement his legacy as a transformative continental leader and enhance Kenya regional influence. Failure would expose the limitations of reform initiatives that lack sufficient political backing and financial resources.
The African Union now faces a critical juncture. It can embrace Ruto proposals and undertake the difficult work of institutional strengthening and norm enforcement, or it can allow the report to join the archive of ambitious plans that generated applause at summits but faded into irrelevance afterward. The choice will shape Africa political landscape for years to come and determine whether democratic governance can be defended against the barrel of a gun.
As member states return to their capitals to consider implementation, the continent watches to see whether words in Addis Ababa will translate into action in national legislatures and presidential offices. The answer to that question will reveal whether the African Union can evolve from an aspirational institution into an effective bulwark against the forces of unconstitutional change that continue to threaten the continent stability and prosperity.
