When Uganda’s internet went dark two days before the January 15, 2026 presidential election, the silence spoke volumes. The nationwide shutdown, lasting five days and costing the economy an estimated $180 million, was the latest chapter in Africa’s troubling intersection of technology and democracy. As incumbent President Yoweri Museveni secured 71.65% of the vote amid allegations of electoral manipulation, opposition leader Bobi Wine fled into hiding, his digital voice silenced along with millions of Ugandans.
The Uganda election exemplifies a broader crisis unfolding across the continent. Between 2023 and 2026, Africa has witnessed an unprecedented surge in digital authoritarianism during electoral periods, challenging the promise that technology would strengthen democratic participation. Instead, the digital age has brought new tools of control that threaten the very foundation of free and fair elections.
The Rising Toll of Digital Disconnection
Africa experienced 21 internet shutdowns in 15 countries during 2024 alone, marking the continent’s worst year on record for digital repression, according to Access Now and the #KeepItOn coalition. These disruptions coincided with elections, protests, and moments of political tension, transforming internet access into a political weapon.
The economic impact has been staggering. Sub-Saharan Africa lost $1.5 billion to internet shutdowns in 2024, representing 19% of the global $7.69 billion total, according to Top10VPN data. Tanzania’s five-day shutdown during its October 29, 2025 election cost the economy $228 million, while Sudan topped African losses at $1.12 billion due to prolonged conflict-related blackouts exceeding 529 days.
Yet the financial toll tells only part of the story. When governments sever digital connections, they disrupt healthcare communication, security coordination, digital payments, and access to vital information. In Uganda, the biometric voter verification kits that failed on election day—forcing a nationwide shift to manual voting—were rendered useless by the internet shutdown, creating delays of up to four hours at polling stations.
“Authorities made it clear that they wanted to silence dissent and control the narrative,” Felicia Anthonio from Access Now told Semafor, referring to Tanzania’s election-day blackout.
A Continent Divided by Digital Access
While governments weaponize internet access as a tool of control, millions of Africans remain offline due to persistent infrastructure gaps. As of January 2025, only 37% of Africa’s population used the internet, compared to a global average of 68%, according to the International Telecommunication Union. This digital divide creates a two-tiered democracy where urban, connected populations wield disproportionate political influence.
The rural-urban gap remains stark. Internet usage in urban areas reached 57% in 2024, compared to just 23% in rural areas—the largest disparity found in any ITU region. Mobile internet penetration stands at 46% in Sub-Saharan Africa, with connectivity heavily concentrated in cities. According to GSMA’s Mobile Economy Africa 2025 report, 416 million people use mobile internet across Africa, but 960 million people—64% of the population—are not using mobile internet despite living in areas with coverage.
Cost remains the primary barrier. One gigabyte of data costs an average of 2.4% of monthly income in Africa, exceeding the United Nations’ 2% affordability benchmark. For the poorest 20%, an entry-level internet-capable phone can cost up to 95% of monthly income. This pricing structure effectively disenfranchises millions from participating in digital political discourse.
Who Owns Africa, a news perspective website covering business, economics, and politics across the continent, has documented how economic barriers to digital access create systematic exclusion from modern political participation, particularly affecting rural communities and marginalized populations.
The Surveillance State Emerges
As some Africans struggle to get online, governments are deploying sophisticated biometric systems that transform digital identity into a tool of state control. Forty-nine African countries now have at least one form of biometric system, with 35 countries implementing facial recognition or AI-powered surveillance capabilities, according to Atlantic Council research.
Foreign technology vendors dominate this ecosystem. Companies like Idemia (France), Semlex (Belgium), Veridos (Germany), Thales (France), and Huawei (China) provide the core technology, hardware, and algorithms that underpin African surveillance systems. These projects are often financed through loans from institutions like the World Bank, creating dependencies that shape both procurement and governance practices.
Uganda’s $126 million deal with Huawei has given the government capacity to deploy facial and license plate recognition technology with AI capabilities, creating what human rights lawyer Nick Opiyo describes as a “sweeping surveillance state.” The biometric tools have become central to state functions while serving as powerful mechanisms for monitoring politicians, journalists, human rights defenders, and ordinary citizens.
In Mozambique, biometric voter registration equipment has shown how these technologies can create new ways to manipulate election results. The 2018 election saw inflated voter numbers in areas sympathetic to the ruling Frelimo party, with sources inside the government alleging that South African tech vendor Laxton was aware of irregularities.
The transparency gap is alarming. A sample study in three countries by ICT Works found that only 38% of surveyed citizens were aware of their governments’ purchases of biometric, facial recognition, or AI systems.
Elections in the Digital Crossfire: 2023-2026
The convergence of internet shutdowns, surveillance systems, and digital divides has fundamentally altered Africa’s electoral landscape. The period from 2023 to 2026 has witnessed this transformation across the continent.
In 2024, dubbed a “super year” for African elections by the United Nations, 17 nations representing nearly 30% of African countries went to the polls. The outcomes revealed the complex interplay between technology and democracy. South Africa’s May 29, 2024 election marked the first time the African National Congress lost its parliamentary majority, conducted amid sophisticated disinformation campaigns on social media platforms. Real411, a citizen reporting initiative, worked to combat digital disinformation, while the Independent Electoral Commission secured cooperation agreements with Google, TikTok, and Facebook—though notably, X (formerly Twitter) declined to participate.
Senegal’s March 24, 2024 election saw 44-year-old Bassirou Diomaye Faye, released from prison just days before the vote, become Africa’s youngest democratically elected leader. His campaign leveraged digital platforms to mobilize young voters disillusioned with the status quo. Yet this digital success story followed an internet shutdown in February 2024, when authorities cut connections amid election-postponement protests.
Ghana’s December 2024 election delivered a decisive victory for opposition candidate John Mahama, demonstrating that democratic transitions remain possible despite technological challenges. Botswana’s October 30, 2024 vote ended the Botswana Democratic Party’s 58-year dominance, with results that observers credited to robust electoral institutions.
But not all elections showcased democratic progress. Tanzania’s October 29, 2025 election saw President Samia Suluhu Hassan declared winner with 97.66% of the vote amid reports of opposition suppression, media censorship, and the absence of international observers. A 16-hour shutdown of WhatsApp, YouTube, and X coincided with electricity outages at result-transmission centers. African Union observers concluded the election failed to comply with democratic standards.
Uganda’s January 15, 2026 election brought these challenges into sharp focus. The Electoral Commission chair, Simon Byabakama, publicly acknowledged receiving warnings from senior government figures not to declare certain candidates as winners. The internet shutdown began January 13, with the government citing “misinformation, electoral fraud and incitement of violence.” Polling delays of up to four hours occurred when biometric identification kits failed—the same technology that had supposedly been implemented to prevent fraud.
When results were announced on January 17, Museveni had secured 71.65% of votes, his strongest performance since the turn of the century. Opposition candidate Bobi Wine received 24.72%, but alleged widespread fraud, including ballot stuffing. At Museveni’s own polling station in Kiruhura, official figures showed he received 589 votes despite only 577 registered voters—an impossibility that Wine cited as evidence of systematic rigging.
The violence following Uganda’s election left at least seven people dead overnight, with Wine fleeing to an undisclosed location after security forces raided his residence. Human Rights Watch documented beatings and arrests of hundreds during opposition rallies, indiscriminate tear gas use, and attacks on journalists covering events.
The Youth Factor and Social Media’s Double Edge
Africa’s demographic reality amplifies both the promise and peril of digital democracy. With nearly 60% of the continent’s population under 25, young Africans have driven rapid social media adoption. Mobile internet penetration is expected to reach 70% by 2030 if affordability improves, according to digital inclusion advocates.
This youth demographic has reshaped political mobilization. In Kenya, protests against the 2024 Finance Bill saw thousands flood streets and storm Parliament on June 25, coordinated largely through social media. The demonstrations, which resulted in over 20 deaths, forced President William Ruto to decline signing the bill and dismiss most of his government.
Yet governments have learned to counter digital mobilization. Ethiopia has recorded approximately 30 internet shutdowns from 2016 to 2024, many timed to coincide with opposition protests and prevent live coverage of state repression. In Mozambique, authorities imposed curfew-style shutdowns and platform blockings following post-election protests in late 2024.
Social media algorithms and bot networks have emerged as new threats. Research published in the Journal of African Development documents how automated accounts and algorithmic manipulation create echo chambers, spread misinformation, and polarize political discourse across African elections.
Regional Organizations: Slow to Act
Continental bodies have struggled to address digital threats to democracy. The African Union and regional organizations like ECOWAS proved largely ineffective in preventing or responding to election-related internet shutdowns and digital manipulation in 2024 and 2025.
The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights passed Resolution 580 in 2024, condemning internet shutdowns as violations of fundamental rights. Yet enforcement mechanisms remain weak. When Uganda implemented its January 2026 shutdown, the AU-COMESA-IGAD Election Observation Mission noted in its preliminary statement that “the internet shut down implemented two days before the elections limited access to information, freedom of association, curtailed economic activities and further disrupted effective observation.”
Telecom operators face impossible choices. While international human rights principles encourage them to challenge unlawful government directives, most comply with shutdown orders rather than risk license revocation. This corporate complicity, though coerced, enables government control over digital spaces.
Democratic Resilience Amid Digital Challenges
Despite these obstacles, pockets of progress offer hope. Civil society organizations have mounted increasingly sophisticated responses to digital threats. In August 2025, representatives of Electoral Management Bodies and election networks gathered in Abuja, Nigeria, for a Regional Workshop on Protecting Elections in the Information Environment, hosted by the ECOWAS Network of Electoral Commissions with European Union support.
South Africa’s Real411 initiative demonstrated how public reporting mechanisms can combat disinformation during elections. Ghana and Senegal have shown that youth-led movements, leveraging digital platforms for civic engagement, can drive democratic change even in challenging environments.
Mobile money services, which reached 416 million users across Africa by 2025, have created economic ecosystems that give citizens stakes in maintaining internet access. The mobile sector contributed 7.7% of Africa’s GDP in 2024—$220 billion in economic value—creating powerful economic incentives against prolonged shutdowns.
Several countries have resisted the shutdown trend. South Sudan and Mauritius both revoked shutdown orders in early 2025 under public pressure. Kenya’s Communications Authority pledged not to shut down internet during the 2024 protests, a commitment it largely maintained despite political pressure.
The Path Forward
As Africa approaches the 2030 deadline for the African Union’s Digital Transformation Strategy—which envisions universal digital access and a single pan-African digital market—the gap between aspiration and reality remains vast. Only 1.2% of Africa’s 1.24 billion people currently have access to 5G networks, according to the State of Broadband in Africa 2025 report, far below the global average of more than 20%.
Addressing the hidden costs of digital-age democracy requires multifaceted action. Infrastructure investment must prioritize rural connectivity and affordable access. Legal frameworks need strengthening to protect digital rights, with robust data protection laws and independent oversight bodies. Procurement of biometric and surveillance systems demands transparency and public consultation, not opacity justified by national security.
International pressure matters. Western governments and institutions that fund infrastructure projects must condition support on commitments to internet freedom and electoral integrity. The World Bank and other lenders should ensure their investments in digital ID systems include safeguards against misuse.
Perhaps most critically, the narrative around technology and democracy in Africa needs reframing. Digital tools are not inherently democratizing or authoritarian—their impact depends entirely on governance structures, legal protections, and political will. The approximately 473 million Africans currently online, expected to grow to 773 million by 2030, deserve digital environments that enhance rather than undermine their democratic participation.
The 2026 elections continue across Africa. Tanzania and Uganda have set concerning precedents, but upcoming votes in countries like Côte d’Ivoire and Gabon will test whether lessons have been learned. Each election represents a choice: Will Africa’s digital transformation empower citizens or enable authoritarian control?
As the Uganda example demonstrates, the hidden costs of democracy in the digital age extend far beyond economic losses from internet shutdowns. They include the erosion of electoral credibility, the normalization of surveillance, the systematic exclusion of marginalized populations, and the weaponization of technology against dissent. These costs, difficult to quantify but impossible to ignore, shape Africa’s democratic trajectory for generations to come.
The continent stands at a crossroads. With political will, robust institutions, and genuine commitment to digital rights, Africa can harness technology to deepen democracy. Without such commitment, the digital age risks becoming another chapter in the long history of tools meant to empower citizens being turned against them. The choice belongs to Africa’s leaders, its citizens, and the international community that claims to support African democracy. The next election will show which path they choose.
